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Zionism Unmasked

The Ideology and History of Zionism

Contents

Netanyahu – Chapter 1 Archive Dossier

Introduction

Zionism is a modern political ideology rooted in Jewish nationalism, which led to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. This report examines Zionism’s evolution and controversies in eight thematic areas, using accessible language and a critical lens. Each section below addresses one aspect of Zionism’s ideology, history, and global impact.

Chapter 1:

Ideological Foundations of Zionism

Zionism arose in late 19th-century Europe as an ethnonationalist movement aiming to establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine (the historic Land of Israel). It emerged in response to intense antisemitism and nationalist currents in Europe, seeking to transform Jewish identity from a religious community into a modern nation state. At its core, Zionism held that Jews worldwide constituted a people or nation, with an ancient attachment to the land of Israel and a right to return there. Many early Zionists were secular, but they drew on biblical history and myths — such as God’s promise of Canaan — to legitimize their claims. Wikipedia

Key nationalist concepts included the notion of shlilat ha’galut (negation of the Diaspora), which viewed Jewish life in exile as untenable, and the aspiration for Jewish self-determination in an ancestral land. Zionist ideologues portrayed Palestine as the only suitable refuge from persecution, often invoking the ancient Roman expulsion of Jews in 70 CE as a historical justification for return. Aliran Critics argue this fostered a sense of exceptionalism, positing an unbridgeable gulf between Jews and non-Jews. As one analysis puts it, Zionism asserted that Jews are “set apart from all other peoples,” effectively upholding the same notion of inherent difference that antisemites promoted. Closely tied to this was the belief that antisemitism was eternal and incurable, meaning only a separate Jewish nation could guarantee safety. People's World

National myths played a powerful role. One central myth was that Palestine was “a land without a people for a people without a land.” This slogan implied that Jewish settlers were reclaiming a mostly empty, uncultivated territory. In reality, Palestine was already populated by a vibrant Arab society. Zionist leaders privately knew the country was not empty – an early fact-finding mission famously reported back that “the bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man,” acknowledging the strong indigenous presence Aliran.

“The bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man.”
Ahad Ha’am (Asher Ginsberg) Aliran

Nonetheless, the “empty land” myth was used to justify colonization, with claims that Jewish pioneers would “make the desert bloom.” In practice, Zionist settlement often entailed the displacement or exclusion of native Palestinians, which Zionist writings downplayed or ignored Jewish Voice for Peace. The founding of Israel itself was premised on this erasure: the new state’s narrative treated the Arabs as an invisible background, reinforcing the myth that there were no legitimate co-owners of the land .

Zionism’s secular political vision initially met resistance from many religious Jews, who believed that return to the Holy Land should await divine intervention (the coming of the Messiah). However, Zionism secularized ancient religious concepts — notably the covenant of a promised land and chosenness — into a modern nationalist project. It promoted Jewish peoplehood and sovereignty, insisting that only through a nation state in Eretz Israel (the Land of Israel) could Jews escape persecution and achieve normalcy among the family of nations Aliran. In sum, the ideological foundations of Zionism blended 19th-century European nationalism with Jewish historical memory. It posited “peoplehood”, “land”, and a sense of historic mission or “chosenness” as intertwined elements: the Jewish people had an ancient claim to the land and a manifest destiny to rebuild their nation there. While supporters saw this as a legitimate liberation movement, opponents from the start viewed it as a form of settler colonialism driven by exclusionary ethnic nationalism. Britannica

Chapter 2:

Early Thinkers and Internal Divisions

From its inception, Zionism was never a monolith – it encompassed diverse strains of thought. Key Zionist thinkers often disagreed on goals and methods, giving rise to cultural, religious, political and revisionist branches of the movement. Below we distinguish these currents and the visions of four influential figures:


Political Zionism – Theodor Herzl (1860–1904):

Herzl, an Austrian journalist, is considered the founder of modern political Zionism. Appalled by the rampant antisemitism exemplified by the 1894 Dreyfus Affair in France, Herzl concluded that Jews would never be accepted as equals in Europe People's World. In his seminal pamphlet Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State) (1896), he argued that Jews worldwide formed a nation without a state, and urged the international community to solve the “Jewish question” by granting Jews a sovereign state of their own. Herzl’s Zionism was pragmatic and diplomatic: he lobbied great powers (from the Ottoman Sultan to the British Empire) for a charter in Palestine, even considering alternate territories if needed. Herzl envisioned a modern, secular Jewish republic that would serve as a safe haven and “normal” nation. Crucially, he framed this project in European colonial terms – promising that a Jewish homeland in Palestine would “form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia,” as one of his contemporaries put it. In other words, Herzl saw a Jewish state as a loyal outpost of Western civilization in the Middle East, which helped win British support in later years. While Herzl died before his dream materialized, his political organizing (including the first Zionist Congress in 1897) set the movement on course toward statehood. Wikipedia

Theodor Herzl, author of ‘The Jewish State’ and a founder of political Zionism.


Cultural Zionism – Ahad Ha’am (Asher Ginsberg, 1856–1927):

A Russian Jew and essayist, Ahad Ha’am led a faction that criticized Herzl’s focus on immediate statehood. Instead, he championed spiritual and cultural rebirth. In essays like “The Jewish State and the Jewish Problem” (1897), he argued that Palestine should become a cultural center to revive Hebrew language, education, and spirit, rather than a state housing all the world’s Jews. Ahad Ha’am feared that political Zionists were neglecting moral considerations and the reality of the Arab population in Palestine. After a trip to the region, he warned in 1891 that Jewish settlers were treating the indigenous Arabs unjustly and that the country was far from empty. He famously noted that Palestine’s bride (the land) “is beautiful, but she is married to another man,” acknowledging the strong indigenous presence. Ahad Ha’am’s cultural Zionism thus prioritized ethical coexistence and gradual cultural revival over land conquest. He did not seek an independent Jewish state immediately; rather, he envisioned a spiritual center in Palestine that would strengthen Jewish life worldwide. Though overshadowed politically by Herzl, Ahad Ha’am influenced later generations that advocated a binational state or more pluralistic approaches. Wikipedia


Religious Zionism – Rabbi Abraham Kook (1865–1935) and others:

Religious Zionism integrated Jewish messianic beliefs with the nationalist project. Traditionally, Orthodox Judaism was ambivalent or hostile to Zionism, but figures like Rabbi Kook provided a theological justification for a Jewish state. Kook taught that the secular pioneers were unwitting instruments of a divine plan to hasten redemption. Religious Zionists agreed with the goal of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, but grounded it in God’s promise to the Chosen People. They viewed the return to Zion and establishment of Israel as a fulfillment of biblical prophecy. Over time, this current gave rise to the settler movement and Hardal (nationalist ultra-Orthodox) ideology, especially after 1967 when many religious Zionists saw the conquest of Jerusalem and the West Bank as divinely ordained. Unlike secular Zionists, religious Zionists emphasize Eretz Yisrael (the Land of Israel) as sacred and indivisible; compromise on the land is often opposed on theological grounds. Not all religious Jews embraced Zionism – Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) communities mostly rejected it, some vehemently (e.g. the anti-Zionist Neturei Karta sect). Still, religious Zionism became influential in Israeli politics, blending nationalism with biblical entitlement. It insists Jews are chosen to redeem the land, which can heighten the people/land exclusivity in Zionist thought. Today, parties rooted in religious Zionism are prominent in Israel’s right wing, staunchly opposing territorial concessions. Wikipedia


Revisionist Zionism – Ze’ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940):

Jabotinsky broke from mainstream Zionism in the 1920s to advocate a more militant, maximalist approach. Viewing Arab resistance as inevitable, he argued Jews must build an “iron wall” of military strength that Arabs could not breach or negotiate down Jew Oughta Know. Jabotinsky’s Revisionists wanted Eretz Yisrael in the broadest sense – a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan River (all of Mandatory Palestine, even including today’s Jordan). They were unabashed about using force to achieve Zionist aims and were less concerned with socialist ideals that motivated Labor Zionists. Jabotinsky countenanced the possibility of “transfer” (removal) of Arabs if necessary for a stable Jewish majority, although he sometimes gave contradictory assurances about equal rights for Arab citizens in a future Israel Wikipedia.

Jabotinsky, born in Odesa (now part of Ukraine), in 1926.

His Revisionist movement created youth militias (Betar) and later the underground Irgun militia. Jabotinsky died before Israel’s founding, but his legacy lived on: disciples like Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir would lead Israel decades later. Revisionism evolved into the Likud party, championing territorial expansion and a hard line against the Palestinians. In summary, Jabotinsky’s Zionism was expansionist and nationalist to the extreme, rejecting the compromise of partition and insisting on Jewish sovereignty over all of biblical Israel through strength. Wikipedia

We hold that Zionism is moral and just. And since it is moral and just, justice must be done, no matter whether Joseph or Simon or Ivan or Achmet agree with it or not.

Labor Zionism – David Ben-Gurion (1886–1973):

Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, exemplified Labor Zionism (often considered part of “Political Zionism,” but with a socialist flavor). A pragmatist, he led the Jewish community in Palestine (Yishuv) through statehood. Ben-Gurion’s Mapai party built institutions like the Histadrut (labor federation) and the military (Haganah) under the British Mandate, preparing for independence. He initially accepted the 1947 UN Partition Plan, which allotted a truncated Jewish state, but not as a final border. Privately, Ben-Gurion saw partition as a stepping stone: “We shall smash these frontiers... and not necessarily by war,” he said in 1938, expecting that once strong enough, the Jewish state could expand into the Arab state’s territory Wikipedia. During the 1948 war, Ben-Gurion indeed directed operations that seized much more land than the UN had allocated. Labor Zionism combined a commitment to Jewish statehood with socialist rhetoric and state-building through collective institutions (like kibbutz communes). But when push came to shove, Ben-Gurion prioritized state expansion and security over binational coexistence. He also countenanced population transfer; early Zionist discussions under his leadership weighed plans to “encourage” Arabs to leave, especially after Britain’s 1937 Peel Commission broached transferring Arabs out of a future Jewish state. In Israel’s first decades, Labor Zionists dominated politics and implemented Zionism as official state ideology – while marginalizing dissenting views (both Revisionist and Arab). Thus, Ben-Gurion’s legacy is a mixed one: he secured Jewish independence and nation-building, but at the cost of permanent conflict with the Palestinian Arab population. Wikipedia

If I were an Arab leader, I would never sign an agreement with Israel. It is normal; we have taken their country. It is true God promised it to us, but how could that interest them? Our God is not theirs. There has been Anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault? They see but one thing: we have come and we have stolen their country. Why would they accept that?

These differing visions show that Zionism contained internal divisions between its liberal, socialist, and right wing interpretations. Cultural and religious Zionists sometimes criticized the mainstream for neglecting ethics or faith, while Revisionists accused Labor Zionists of timidity for accepting partition. Despite their quarrels, all Zionist factions shared the fundamental goal of a sovereign Jewish entity in Palestine. Over time, their approaches converged in practice: Israel’s establishment and expansion drew on the diplomacy of Herzl, the statecraft of Ben-Gurion, the cultural revival of Ahad Ha’am (modern Hebrew and Jewish culture did flourish), and the territorial maximalism of Jabotinsky’s heirs. The tensions between these currents, however, continued to shape Israel’s politics – for example, the rivalry between Labor and Likud echoes the Labor vs Revisionist divide, and debates over religion in the state echo early disagreements between secular and religious Zionists.

Chapter 3:

Colonial Entanglements of Zionism

From the outset, Zionism developed in tandem with European colonialism and aligned itself with imperial powers — especially Britain — to achieve its aims. Late 19th-century Zionists were acutely aware that gaining a land for the Jews would require endorsement by a great empire. The movement’s Eurocentric outlook made such alliances natural: Herzl and others pitched the Zionist project as beneficial to Western interests. Britain became the key patron during World War I, when London saw strategic advantage in supporting a Jewish homeland in Palestine (then part of the Ottoman Empire). British leaders coveted Palestine for its location near the Suez Canal and as the Biblical “Holy Land,” and Zionist lobbying gave them a partner on the ground. This convergence produced the pivotal Balfour Declaration of November 1917, in which Britain’s foreign secretary declared support for “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” The declaration came in the thick of WWI, just as British troops occupied Palestine. It was partly a wartime tactic to rally Jewish support, but it had fateful consequences: Britain was formally committing to sponsor the Zionist endeavor.

Britain’s backing continued under the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine (1922), which assigned Britain governance over Palestine with the explicit task of implementing the Balfour Declaration. The Mandate charter incorporated the Balfour text wholesale and made the World Zionist Organization and its local arm (the Jewish Agency) an official partner of the British administration Aliran. The Mandate “privileged Jewish settlers over the local Palestinian population,” facilitating Jewish immigration and land acquisition while denying Arabs political rights Wikipedia. Palestinians — who were over 90 percent of the population in 1917 — were mentioned only as “non-Jewish communities” in the Balfour text, promised civil and religious rights but notably not national or political rights. This diplomatic language effectively erased the indigenous people from consideration as a nation, setting a template of exclusion.

Zionism’s colonial entanglements were not limited to Britain. Herzl even eyed on colonial powers like Germany and the United States. After WWII, as Britain’s influence waned, the United States became the chief international sponsor of Zionism, recognizing Israel minutes after its declaration of independence in 1948 and later providing massive military and economic aid.

It’s important to note that Zionism itself is often characterized as a form of settler colonialism. Like European settler movements in the Americas, Africa, or Australia, Zionists were mostly outsiders (mainly European Jews) seeking to settle in a land inhabited by another people, with a belief in their own civilizational superiority or divine mandate. Early Zionists spoke of bringing progress and “enlightenment” to a backward Orient, and of fulfilling a historic mission on ostensibly empty lands. Indeed, Zionism “fit into the practice of the day — go forth and colonise if you are of a dominant European power” Aliran. British officials saw Jewish settlement as preferable to Arab self-rule; Prime Minister David Lloyd George (1916–22) reportedly favored a Jewish colony over an Arab one in Palestine, due in part to his own prejudices Aliran. In this sense, British Islamophobia and Orientalist attitudes dovetailed with Zionist ambitions.

After World War II and the Holocaust, global sympathy for Jews — coupled with European guilt — gave Zionism additional momentum, but again via imperial frameworks. The United Nations (dominated by the victorious Allied powers) approved the partition plan in 1947 without consulting the Palestinians, who rejected it as unjust. Zionist leaders accepted partition publicly but intended to expand beyond it when possible. In the era of decolonization, Zionism thus took on a paradoxical role: to Jewish nationalists it was an anti-colonial liberation movement, freeing Jews from Europe; but to Arabs and much of the Global South it looked like a new colonial intrusion, displacing a native Asian people with a settler population backed by Western powers.

This perception led to diplomatic fallout decades later, such as the UN General Assembly’s resolution in 1975 (Resolution 3379) declaring Zionism a form of racism and colonialism (a determination later revoked in 1991). Understanding Zionism’s rise and the Israel-Palestine conflict requires seeing this colonial dimension, where one people’s nationalist dream was realized in concert with empire — at the direct expense of another people’s self-determination.

Chapter 4:

Revisionist Zionism and Expansionist Ideology

Within Zionism, the right-wing Revisionist movement, founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, championed an openly expansionist ideology that continues to shape Israeli politics. Revisionist Zionists earned their name by “revising” mainstream Zionism’s strategy: they rejected any compromise on territorial ambitions and emphasized military force and Jewish sovereignty over the entire Land of Israel.

Eretz Israel (Hebrew for “Land of Israel”) in Revisionist parlance meant all of historic Palestine, on both banks of the Jordan. Jabotinsky and his followers were incensed when Britain in 1922 carved off Transjordan (east of the Jordan River) to create an Arab emirate, reducing the prospective Jewish homeland. They insisted the Jewish state must eventually encompass 100 percent of Mandatory Palestin – not the truncated portion offered by British partition plans or the UN. In jewish terms, some have invoked the promise to Abraham of land “from the River of Egypt to the Euphrates,” but in practical politics Revisionists focused on the area from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan (and initially even beyond it) Wikipedia

When Israel was founded in 1948 on part of the land, the Revisionists did not accept it as final. At Israel’s birth, the dominant Labor Zionists agreed to the partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states (at least officially). However, the opposition Revisionists, forebears of today’s Likud Party, sought Eretz Israel Ha-Shlema — Greater Israel, or literally, the Whole Land of Israel Wikipedia. They viewed the 1949 armistice lines as temporary. Indeed, Menachem Begin – Jabotinsky’s disciple and leader of the Revisionist underground – lamented Israel’s acceptance of partition and continually referred to the West Bank by its ancient names Judea and Samaria, implying permanent claim. Begin’s rise to power in 1977 (the Likud’s first electoral victory) marked a turning point: the Greater Israel ideology moved from the fringe to government policy.

The concept of Greater Israel gained particular currency after Israel’s victory in the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel seized the West Bank, Gaza, Sinai and Golan Heights – dramatically expanding its territory. Many Israelis saw this as a historic opportunity to realize the full Land of Israel. A “Movement for Greater Israel” formed in 1967, urging the government to annex the newly occupied territories and settle Jews there. Although the Labor government then in power did not formally annex the West Bank and Gaza, it began building settlements, and tolerated messianic religious nationalists colonizing areas like Hebron. The Revisionist right fully embraced this agenda. Under Likud leaders Begin (1977–83) and Yitzhak Shamir (1983–92), settlement expansion surged.

Conceptual maps of Israel frequently included the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) as integral. The resonances of reclaiming Judea/Samaria and even the image of “restoring the kingdom of David and Solomon” animated both religious Zionists and secular nationalists. This expansionist vision is irredentist, refusing to concede that any conquered land could be given up. However, by the late 20th century, a demographic reality – that annexing all the territories would incorporate millions of Palestinians and endanger Israel’s Jewish majority – tempered some ambitions. In 2008, then–Prime Minister Ehud Olmert (a former Likud member) declared “Greater Israel is over”.But despite Olmert’s admission, the ideology of Greater Israel still heavily influences Israeli politics, especially under current right-wing parties. Leaders continue to expand settlements, and figures farther right explicitly advocate annexing the West Bank and dismissing Palestinian statehood entirely. In practice, even without formal annexation, Israel’s policies have moved toward a de facto Greater Israel: over 700,000 settlers now live in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and the area is crisscrossed by Jewish-only infrastructure.

In summary, Revisionist Zionism injected an expansionist, uncompromising strain into Zionist ideology: no part of the ancient homeland was negotiable, and might makes right. Its key concepts – the Iron Wall of deterrence, the acceptability of transfer, the ideal of Greater Israel – have had lasting impact. They were at work in 1948 and 1967, and remain visible in the settlement enterprise and in the rhetoric of today’s Israeli far-right. While not all Israelis or Zionists share these views, the gravitational pull of Revisionist ideology has shifted the political spectrum, often shrinking the space for those advocating territorial compromise or a more inclusive vision of Israeli nationhood.

Chapter 5:

Institutionalization of Zionist Power: Agencies, State, and Society

Once Israel was established, Zionism did not disappear as a political force – it became institutionalized in the state’s structures, laws, and educational narratives. Even before independence, the Zionist movement built a quasi-state within Palestine through organizations like the World Zionist Organization (WZO), the Jewish Agency, and the Jewish National Fund (JNF). These bodies executed Zionist policy on the ground and continued to wield significant influence after 1948. This section outlines how these institutions implemented Zionist goals and how Zionist ideology is woven into Israel’s state ideology, education system, and laws today.


Pre-1948 “state-in-the-making”:

Under British rule, Zionist institutions effectively ran many functions of government for the Jewish community. The World Zionist Organization, founded by Herzl in 1897, coordinated the global movement. The Jewish Agency for Palestine, created in 1929, served as the official liaison with the British Mandate and handled Jewish immigration, settlement, and education Badil. David Ben-Gurion headed the Jewish Agency and treated it as a proto-government with departments for defense and finance. The Jewish National Fund (Keren Kayemet LeYisrael), founded in 1901, was a pivotal land-purchasing arm that bought land exclusively for Jewish use, often using donations from diaspora Jews. By design, JNF lands were held in perpetuity for the Jewish people, which in practice meant that Arab tenant farmers were removed to make way for Jewish settlements. Wikipedia Wikipedia


Para-state to State:

After Israel’s birth, these institutions were woven into the new governance framework. In 1952 the Knesset passed the World Zionist Organization–Jewish Agency Status Law, formalizing the WZO and Jewish Agency’s role in absorption of immigrants, settlement, and liaison with Jews abroad. This law authorized these bodies and its subsidiaries to control most of Israel’s land and to benefit Jews exclusively. Although nominally private, they wield public powers in land and immigration policy Badil. For example, the Israel Lands Authority (ILA), which manages about 93 percent of land in Israel, is legally structured so that half its council members are appointed by the JNF, reflecting that organization’s mission and land-ownership (about 13 percent of Israel’s land). State lands and JNF lands (collectively “Israel lands) cannot be sold, only leased, and leasing privileges typically favor Jews.


Zionist institutions also extend beyond Israel’s borders. The WZO and Jewish Agency maintain offices in dozens of countries, encouraging aliyah (Jewish immigration) and diaspora support for Israel. They enjoy tax-exempt status abroad while acting as quasi-official arms of the Israeli state. This extraterritorial notion of citizenship—that Jews worldwide belong to Israel’s nation—is a cornerstone of Zionist thought. Israel’s Law of Return (1950) grants any Jew (and their immediate family) the right to immigrate and gain citizenship, while Palestinian refugees born in the land have no such right. This disparity enshrines a concept of “Jewish nationality” distinct from mere citizenship. Notably, Israel does not recognize an “Israeli” nationality in its registers—citizens are classified by ethnicity or religion (Jewish, Arab, Druze, etc.). In a landmark ruling, the Supreme Court held that there is no Israeli nation separate from the Jewish nation; recognizing an inclusive Israeli nationality would “negate the very foundation upon which the State of Israel was formed” Badil.


Education and culture:

Zionist narratives permeate Israeli education. From a young age, students learn the return to Zion as a heroic saga. School textbooks celebrated pioneers making the desert bloom and portrayed 1948 as a war of liberation in an empty land. National holidays and ceremonies reinforce Zionist mythology: Herzl’s birthday is commemorated, as is the Balfour Declaration, etc. The Israeli flag (blue and white with the Star of David) and national anthem (“Hatikvah”, about the Jewish soul yearning for Zion) are explicit symbols of Jewish nationhood. Until the 1990s, Israeli state media and literature rarely acknowledged Palestinian history; instead, the focus was on ancient Jewish history and modern Zionist achievements. The educational system has thus been a vehicle for state ideology, instilling patriotism defined by Zionism. Arab citizens of Israel, who make up about 20% of the population, often feel alienated by a curriculum and national ethos that exclude or villainize their narrative. In many ways, Israel’s institutions treat them as a minority whose presence is incidental to the state’s purpose, which is fundamentally Jewish national.


Legislation and policy

Zionism’s imprint is visible in many laws. Besides the Law of Return, the Nation-State Basic Law (2018) declares Israel “the nation-state of the Jewish people,” affirming that “the right to exercise national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish people.” It downgrades Arabic from an official language to one of “special status” and commits the state to promote Jewish settlement as a national value Wikipedia. Critics pointed out that the Nation-State law effectively enshrines Jews as first-class citizens and everyone else as second-class, by omitting any mention of democracy or equality. Indeed, Israeli law and practice have long drawn distinctions: for instance, “Jewish nationality” (in the quasi-legal sense) confers certain benefits that mere Israeli citizenship does not Badil. A Jew from New York who immigrates will immediately enjoy land and housing benefits, whereas an existing Arab citizen may face hurdles accessing the same resources because much land is controlled by JNF/ILA for Jews. This two-tier structure was noted with concern by international bodies. The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in 1998 remarked on the “institutionalized form of discrimination” whereby state lands (often former Palestinian properties) are transferred to the WZO/JNF agencies, which by definition serve Jews only United Nations.

Another political manifestation is the 1985 amendment to Israel’s Basic Law on elections, which bans any party that “denies the existence of Israel as a Jewish state” Badil. This has been used to challenge Arab-Jewish parties and those advocating a “state of all its citizens” Wikipedia. In 1988, the Progressive List for Peace (an Arab-Jewish party) was initially banned under this clause, and in 2003 the Balad party (Arab nationalist) also faced attempts to bar it for challenging Israel’s Jewish character. While courts sometimes overturn such bans, the message is clear: questioning Zionism’s core premise is outside the acceptable spectrum in Israeli politics. Dissenting voices, like those of Palestinian citizens who object to Jewish exclusivity, are often viewed as disloyal. This intertwining of Zionist ideology with state rule has led some analysts to describe Israel not just as a democracy but as an “ethnocracy” – where one ethnic-national group structurally dominates.

Chapter 6:

Global Influence and Diverse Criticism of Zionism

Beyond the Middle East, Zionism has profoundly shaped Jewish communities worldwide and sparked vigorous debate and criticism from diverse quarters — Jewish, Arab, academic, and postcolonial. In the United States, Israel emerged as a central element of Jewish identity after World War II and the Holocaust. One survey found that 8 in 10 American Jews consider “caring about Israel” an important or essential part of being Jewish Pew Research Center.

Diaspora support took many forms: massive fundraising by bodies like the United Jewish Appeal, political advocacy by AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), and volunteerism, with thousands of Western Jews fighting in Israel’s 1948 war. Over time an influential Israel lobby emerged in U.S. politics. Wikipedia Wikipedia

In recent decades, American Jewish opinion has diversified. In recent years, cracks in the consensus have grown. Younger American Jews are often less attached to Israel, especially as they witness the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict and policies they find contrary to their liberal values. While organizations like AIPAC and the American Jewish Committee remain staunchly pro-Zionist, anti-Zionist groups like J Street (liberal pro-Israel lobby) and Jewish Voice for Peace (anti-Zionist Jewish organization) have gained prominence. JVP argues that Zionism “is counter to ideals of justice, equality and freedom for all people” and that it has fostered racism and militarism JVP.

[Zionism is] counter to ideals of justice, equality and freedom for all people.
Jewish Voice for Peace

They and other progressive Jews highlight how Zionism, in practice, created an apartheid-like situation where Jews have more rights than others JVP, and how it has even harmed Jews of color and non-European Jewish communities by imposing a Eurocentric, exclusivist identity JVP. This internal Jewish critique is significant – it shows that not all Jews globally accept that Zionism equals Judaism. There have always been Jewish anti-Zionists, from Orthodox factions who believe only the Messiah can restore Israel, to leftist Jews who saw Zionism as a reactionary nationalism.

From an Arab and Palestinian perspective, Zionism is viewed as a settler-colonial project that dispossessed an indigenous people. Early opponents organized under the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964, and intellectuals like George Habib Antonius decried the Balfour Declaration as betrayal of Arab rights. Arab nations fought wars in 1948, 1967, 1973, partly driven by a refusal to accept what they deemed a colonial implant. In the Cold War context, the Soviet bloc and non-aligned nations also adopted this view. It culminated in 1975 when the United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 3379 declaring that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” This reflected the majority world’s sentiment (it passed 72–35, mainly Third World and communist countries in favor, Western countries opposed). The resolution referenced how Zionism aligned with apartheid South Africa and European colonialism World Jewish CongresThough this resolution was rescinded in 1991 as a condition of Middle East peace talks (and under U.S. pressure), it remains a touchstone in debates – Zionists cite its revocation to argue that Zionism is not racism, while critics note that many around the world once recognized it as such.

In postcolonial academic circles, Zionism is frequently analyzed alongside other settler-colonial regimes. Edward Said’s essay “Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims” argued that Zionism dehumanized Palestinians and reflected Orientalist tropes. Scholars like Ilan Pappé, Rashid Khalidi, Nur Masalha, Ella Shohat, and Avi Shlaim have critically examined Zionist myths and archival records. Ilan Pappé for example catalogued Zionist “myths” – e.g., the claim Palestinians left voluntarily in 1948, or that Israel always sought peace but had no partner – and debunked them with archival evidence.

Within global Jewry, criticism of Zionism has always existed but was often marginal. Today it is more visible. Some Jews argue Zionism has “harmed Jewish people” by, for example, fostering a mentality of fear and militarism. JVP writes that Zionism taught Jews “to treat our neighbors with suspicion”, to see themselves as eternally under attack and thus justify a “bigger gun, a taller wall” JVP. It also points out the racism within Zionism: European Ashkenazi elites often discriminated against Mizrahi (Middle Eastern/North African) Jews who immigrated – treating them as culturally inferior and even subjecting some to harmful experiments in the 1950s. In that sense, Zionism carried European racial biases that affected not only Palestinians but also non-European Jews. The creation of Israel disrupted long-established Jewish communities in Arab countries; after 1948, most Arab states ejected or pressured their Jewish populations to leave (partly in reaction to Israel’s actions). While those Jews largely resettled in Israel (and were welcomed as immigrants), some argue that the centuries of Jewish-Arab coexistence were shattered by the rise of antagonistic nationalisms. JVP alludes to this when noting “Jewish people have had long and integrated histories in the Arab world and North Africa… sharing community with Muslims and Christians for thousands of years,” and that Zionism erased those histories by uprooting these communities. A number of Mizrahi Jews have also been critical of Zionism’s Eurocentric narrative that ignored their heritage.

Today, global discourse on Zionism is highly polarized. On one side, Zionism’s supporters – not only Jews but evangelical Christians, Hindu nationalists (who find common cause in ethno-religious nationalism), and others – portray Israel as a besieged democracy and Zionism as a liberation movement for a long-oppressed people. They often accuse Zionism’s critics of antisemitism or double standards. On the other side, a diverse coalition of Palestinians, many Global South countries, leftist and human rights groups worldwide view Zionism as a form of racial supremacism that must be dismantled or at least reformed. They highlight the Palestinian plight as an anti-colonial struggle. There are also middle positions: some accept Israel’s existence but urge a “post Zionist” evolution where the state becomes truly egalitarian (for instance, transforming Israel from a Jewish state into a pluralistic democracy with right of return for Palestinian refugees as part of a peace deal). However, such views are politically unpopular in Israel and often go unheard internationally amid the louder extremes.

Summary:

Zionism Uncovered

1. Ideological Foundations of Zionism:
  • Originated in late 19th-century Europe as a nationalist response to antisemitism, advocating a Jewish homeland in Palestine.
  • Framed Jewish statehood through religious and cultural narratives, sidelining Palestinian presence.
  • Secular Zionists redefined religious concepts to promote Jewish nationalism and exceptionalism.
  • Critics consider it an ethnonationalist, settler-colonial movement rooted in exclusivist ideology.

2. Early Thinkers and Internal Divisions:
  • Political Zionism (Herzl) promoted diplomatic efforts for statehood and Western alignment.
  • Cultural Zionism (Ahad Ha'am) focused on ethical revival and coexistence, warned of native displacement.
  • Religious Zionism (Kook) viewed settlement as divinely mandated; influential post-1967.
  • Revisionist Zionism (Jabotinsky) emphasized militarism and territorial maximalism.
  • Labor Zionism (Ben-Gurion) mixed socialism with pragmatic expansionism.

3. Colonial Entanglements of Zionism:
  • Zionism aligned with British colonialism via the Balfour Declaration and Mandate system.
  • Land acquisition and immigration were enabled by imperial power, displacing Palestinians.
  • Post-Holocaust, US replaced Britain as Zionism’s global backer, pushing 1947 UN Partition.
  • Viewed as liberation by Jews and as colonialism by Palestinians and the Global South.

4. Revisionist Zionism and Expansionist Ideology:
  • Revisionists rejected compromise, advocated for all of Palestine under Jewish control.
  • Post-1967 conquests advanced the Greater Israel vision through settlements and annexation.
  • Likud governments institutionalized this agenda, with ongoing right-wing support.
  • Demographics forced some to reconsider annexation, but ideology remains dominant.

5. Institutionalization of Zionist Power:
  • Pre-state Zionist institutions evolved into powerful state agencies (WZO, Jewish Agency, JNF).
  • Law of Return privileges Jewish immigration, excludes Palestinian refugees.
  • Education, national symbols, and legislation entrench Jewish identity and supremacy.
  • The 2018 Nation-State Law formally declares Israel as the nation-state of Jews only.

6. Global Influence and Diverse Criticism of Zionism:
  • Zionism shapes Jewish diaspora identity and mobilizes global political influence (e.g. AIPAC).
  • Jewish dissent is rising: liberal and anti-Zionist voices challenge occupation and racism.
  • Global South and Palestinians view Zionism as a form of racism and colonialism.
  • Postcolonial scholars critique Zionist myths and push for a rights-based, pluralistic future.